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## ERIC P. HAMP The neuter a-stem PGmc. \* 05-is a well-known riddle. Feist (1939: lOlb) declared it 'etymologisch dunkel\*. Scardigli-Gervasi (1978: 117a) brand it \*di incerta origine\*. The phonetic form and morphological class are clear 1 and perfectly ambiguous within Germanic. We can solve the problem, then, only by approaching it via semantics, syntax, and morphological formation. We know that the original IE word for 'blood' has been largely replaced in the separate branches (Bück: 206, §4.15.)• Slavic has broadened \*kry gen. \*1crwe t (Slawski 1966: 94-5) and Lith. kraüjas, OPruss. krawian reflect the same (Hamp 1977: 75-6). As I argue elsewhere, Lat. sanguen and Alb. gjak must reflect a replacement of the original base by \*sak w -'juice^: Slav. sokz); in the Latin instance the %-stem continues the remains of the old heteroclite. Goidelic Celtic shows in Olr. fuil a replacement comparable to that which is well known for \*1creuH? British Celtic may also show some traces of this development. 3 The original lexeme is to be seen in Skt. asr-k, Prasun us'ü, Greek , Armen, ar-iwn, Latv. asins, OLat. aser, Toch. A ysär B yasar,Jiitt.ashargen.es(ha)nas\* Luw. a$faa(r)nu-'ensang

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Publisher

Walter de Gruyter GmbH

Published

1980

Field

Arts and Humanities (Social Sciences)